CPI (Maoists) Admit to Steep Cadre Losses in Dandakaranya: A Turning Point in India’s Anti-Insurgency Drive
In a rare admission, CPI (Maoists) acknowledged losing 357 cadres in the past year, citing fake encounters and operations in Dandakaranya. Government counters with rising surrenders and arrests.
NewsSutra
In an unprecedented acknowledgment, the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has revealed that it lost 357 cadres—including 136 women fighters—over the past year, marking one of the most significant setbacks for the outlawed insurgent group in recent history. The admission, released through a statement from the outfit's Central Committee, attributed 80 deaths to alleged “fake encounters” and the remaining 269 to intensified anti-Naxal operations across central India’s Maoist-dominated belts, particularly in the Dandakaranya region.
This self-declared figure—rare from a group known for secrecy and propaganda—has not only sparked political discourse but has also drawn sharp reactions from law enforcement agencies, who counter that these figures understate the number of surrenders and arrests which have steadily risen through coordinated efforts.
A Shift in Maoist Strategy Amid Heavy Losses
The CPI (Maoist), once a formidable guerrilla outfit operating across the “Red Corridor”—a stretch of forested terrain spanning Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Jharkhand, and parts of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh—has been reeling under pressure for several years. However, this past year seems to have marked a decisive turn.
The Central Committee’s statement, released via pamphlets and couriered messages to sympathetic journalists and local sources, suggests a tone of defensive urgency, hinting at a strategic rethink within the rebel ranks. The statement accused security forces of escalating “state-sponsored violence” and using civilians as human shields, a charge security agencies vehemently deny.
Notably, the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC)—once considered the ideological and military backbone of the Maoist movement—has suffered the highest attrition. Several top-ranking leaders, including area commanders and sub-zonal heads, were either killed or captured in 2024–2025.
Government Response: Focus on Intelligence-Driven Operations
Government sources, especially from the Union Home Ministry and state anti-Naxal task forces, welcomed the Maoists’ admission as proof of successful counter-insurgency measures. A senior official in the Chhattisgarh Police stated that the figure of 357 deaths is “within expected projections” based on field intelligence and post-operation reports.
However, they contest the claim of “fake encounters,” pointing out that most deaths occurred during armed engagements, with weapon recoveries substantiating the police accounts. Independent fact-checking agencies and civil rights groups have demanded transparent judicial inquests into a handful of disputed cases but have largely not contradicted the broader trend of declining Maoist activity.
Over the past year, drone surveillance, thermal imaging, and real-time satellite data have been increasingly deployed in forest operations. Units such as the Greyhounds (Andhra Pradesh), CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action), and DRG (District Reserve Guard) have led the offensive in dense terrain previously considered inaccessible.
Surrenders and Arrests on the Rise
While the CPI (Maoist) chose to highlight the figure of combat deaths, states have published data showing a larger dent in the rebel ranks through mass surrenders and arrests.
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Chhattisgarh reported over 400 surrenders in 2024 alone, including several mid-level cadre who were once active in ambush logistics and propaganda cells.
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Telangana’s Anti-Naxal Force (ANF) claimed at least 70 arrests, primarily from border districts like Bhadradri Kothagudem.
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In Odisha, police officials confirmed that over 150 weapons and 20 IEDs were surrendered during “reintegration ceremonies” supported by district administrations and NGOs.
These figures suggest that fear of capture, fatigue, ideological disillusionment, and incentives for surrender are collectively eroding the militant base.
A Generational Divide Within the Maoist Rank
Security experts say the Maoist movement is undergoing a generational crisis. Many of the current recruits are younger, less ideologically hardened, and more susceptible to persuasion through psychological operations, local welfare schemes, and financial amnesty.
Sources indicate that senior Maoist leaders are now relying more on tribal youth, often recruiting minors through coercion, which has triggered backlash from village elders and local activists.
The role of women fighters—136 of whom were reportedly killed—also reflects the gender dynamics within the insurgency. Historically celebrated in Maoist literature as symbols of equality, women cadres are often deployed in high-risk roles without adequate tactical support, leading to disproportionate fatalities.
Human Rights Debate and Civil Society Concerns
While the decline in Maoist activities is welcomed from a national security standpoint, civil rights groups have sounded a cautionary note. Organisations like the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and HRLN argue that excessive militarisation and indiscriminate arrests can lead to alienation among tribal communities, inadvertently laying the foundation for future unrest.
They demand a transparent judicial review of all encounters flagged as controversial, especially in districts like Sukma, Bijapur, and Gadchiroli. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is currently reviewing 18 complaints filed over the last year, although outcomes are pending.
Dwindling Maoist Footprint and the Future of the Insurgency
According to data compiled by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the number of districts affected by Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) has dropped from 90+ in 2010 to fewer than 30 in 2025. Core influence zones are now restricted to isolated tracts of southern Chhattisgarh, northern Telangana, and parts of Odisha.
Experts argue that the Maoist strategy of rural militarisation has failed to adapt to the state’s evolving counterinsurgency and development models. Initiatives like road building, mobile tower expansion, and solar electrification in tribal areas—earlier vulnerable to Maoist ambushes—are now progressing with improved security backing.
A retired IB officer remarked, “The insurgency has moved from a political threat to a localized security nuisance. Without mass support or ideological renewal, the movement is unlikely to regenerate itself meaningfully.”
From Guns to Governance: The Way Forward
The biggest challenge now lies not in the elimination of remaining rebels, but in sustainable rehabilitation of affected communities. In areas once ruled by Maoist diktats, governance is still weak, and fear remains deeply ingrained.
Programmes like the Surrender and Rehabilitation Policy, job placements under the Skill India Mission, and medical camps in remote hamlets have shown positive outcomes but need scaling and continuity.
As India celebrates the fall of a decades-old insurgency, the victory will only be complete when the roots of the conflict—land rights, displacement, and tribal alienation—are genuinely addressed.
